Doug Specht unravels the summit that saw 60 nations come together to collaborate for a greener future – but did they?
This week, the fourth EU-CELAC summit was held in Santa Marta, Colombia. The summit brought together representatives from 27 EU nations and 33 countries from across Latin America and the Caribbean.
As the world reels from increasing geopolitical tension, technological change, and the intensification of the climate emergency, the Santa Marta summit set out to demonstrate whether these two regions can truly collaborate in shaping a greener, more resilient, and equitable future.
Enjoying this article? Check out our related reads:
CELAC is the regional body designed to give Latin America and the Caribbean a stronger, collective voice in the international system, and was founded in 2011. Since then, regualar summits with the European Union have served as periodic opportunities to deepen bi-regional cooperation, spanning everything from trade to education, social cohesion to climate action.
This year’s summit was framed not simply by historic cooperation, but by an acute sense of urgency and change.
The context for Santa Marta was set by the dramatic evolution of the world economy and the growing importance of critical challenges: the disruption of supply chains, the ever-greater demand for critical minerals required for green technologies, the drive towards digital transformation, and the need for sustainable social development.
Climate cooperation and the green transition were at the heart of the summit’s agreements. Building on preparations that included high-level meetings and new investments, leaders vowed to triple renewable energy generation and double energy efficiency across Latin America and the Caribbean by 2030.
The summit also launched the EU-LAC Supercomputing Network, which, together with the expansion of the BELLA submarine fibre optic cable, promises to bridge the digital divide that affects many rural and indigenous communities across the Americas.
Biodiversity protection and adaptation to climate change were emphasised, with substantial promises of financing from European and Latin American development banks directed toward conserving rainforests, mangroves, and other vital ecosystems.
Perhaps most strategically significant was the deepening cooperation on the supply of critical minerals and rare earths (such as lithium and copper) essential to the renewable energy technologies of the future.
Latin America controls approximately 60 percent of the world’s lithium reserves, concentrated in nations like Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile. A new framework was presented for fair, sustainable exploitation of these resources, with an emphasis on ensuring benefits for local communities, protecting workers’ rights, and setting the highest environmental standards.
Trade and investment also figured prominently in the summit’s outcomes. The event celebrated the progress made on the long-standing EU-Mercosur deal, which when ratified will form one of the world’s largest free trade zones.
Beyond Mercosur, the modernisation of trade arrangements with Chile and Mexico demonstrates a mutual commitment to economic integration, digital commerce, and shared standards on labour and environmental protection. Still, the summit made clear that agreement at the technical and ministerial levels does not automatically guarantee easy ratification. European and Latin American parliaments will each have to debate and approve the deals amidst domestic skepticism and competing interests.
However, while the summit showcased tangible progress, it was also marked by rather dramatic tensions and points of departure. The most glaring was the absence of several major European leaders, among them Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, who cited conflicts with other international engagements, most notably COP30, concurrently taking place in Brazil.
Only a fraction of the expected 60 leaders were present at Santa Marta. For many observers, these notable absences reflected not only logistical hurdles but also a reluctance to become entangled in the new diplomatic conflict between the United States and Latin American nations, particularly following controversial US military operations in the Caribbean aimed at narcotics trafficking.
This theme of discord was echoed elsewhere. The summit took place against a backdrop of US naval activity in the Caribbean and diplomatic fallout, with Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro openly criticising US actions as contrary to international law.
Some CELAC countries supported the US, while others were vocally opposed, and the final summit declaration stopped short of direct condemnation, instead opting for broad language encouraging respect for international norms. The issue revealed the persistent divergence between the interests of European and Latin American states, and within CELAC itself.
On the subjects of Venezuela’s ongoing crisis and the Ukraine war, unity again proved elusive. The summit refrained from direct comment on the Venezuelan situation, mindful both of internal CELAC divisions and a reluctance to stoke tensions with Washington. As for Ukraine, the joint declaration managed only a mild rebuke of Russian aggression, without naming Russia directly, a compromise designed to keep dialogue open between divergent governments rather than press for total consensus.
Nevertheless, the Santa Marta summit reinforced the strategic importance of EU-CELAC cooperation for both regions. As Latin America and the Caribbean seek alternatives to traditional dependence on the United States and face growing Chinese investment, strengthened relations with Europe provide economic opportunities as well as the prospect for true partnership on global problems. For Europe, access to key minerals and emerging markets, coupled with a chance to demonstrate its ‘open strategic autonomy,’ make Latin America an essential partner moving forward.
Success will ultimately be measured not just in declarations or new trade deals, but in whether rural communities receive reliable internet, whether forests and rivers are protected against the pressures of extraction, and whether the green transition creates jobs and new livelihoods.
The 2025 summit in Santa Marta has set the stage for a future of potential cooperation, but the work of bridging gaps, across continents, interests, and ideologies, has only just begun. As we look to the fifth summit, scheduled for Brussels in 2027, the challenge remains: can the EU and CELAC move from rhetoric to reality, ensuring that partnership delivers not merely benefits for economies, but tangible improvements for people and planet alike?
